Nollywood Is Not The Nigerian Creative Industry

By Chris Ogunlowo

Let us excuse the clickbaiting headline. It is so crafted to attract some conversations on an issue as telling as I intend to intimate the reader.

Firstly, “Nollywood” as used in this piece defines the Nigerian movie industry including its regional siblings like Kannywood and any other Nigerian "-wood" out there.

Anyone who follows the Nigerian art and the business of creating is familiar with how Nollywood seems to have assumed a synonymous status to everything creative in NIGERIA. At best, it is treated as a category marker, and maybe, also closely followed by the pop-music industry. This is very much a well-deserved status for both industries. They have earned this, at least, by the sheer amount of young people that the industries parade and to the extent to which they play soft-power roles for the country's image.

But given the relationship over the years between government and Nollywood, it is easy to conclude that the relationship has been somewhat more tokenistic than substantive. The news is replete with stories of government disbursement of funds and couched in a contrived language as "an effort to boost the creative industry." This also includes partisan relationships between stakeholders in Nollywood and the government in power. The results of this are still open questions.

Equating the Nigerian creative industry to Nollywood is a disservice to other aspects that form the nation's creative repertoire. It cheapens the potentials of these other aspects and ascribes a rather smug reputation to Nollywood. The point here is a call for a democratization of the INVESTMENT and attention for the entire creative industry, which, for the sake of listing, includes: architecture, publishing, photography, design, fashion, software development, advertising, crafts, journalism, broadcasting, language technologies, performing arts, etc., etc. (We may treat the literati as an exemption, a commendable one at that. It is pretty vibrant, even with or without government’s support. Some Nigerian writers, almost like some famous Nigerian footballers, enjoy rock-star status in the international scene, most of it through sheer hardworking outside a structured industry).

The combined efforts of the creative industry for both cultural and commercial benefits cannot be overlooked. Sometimes, a nation is as good as the sum of her creative and cultural ideas, which justifies the existence of cultural equities like The Goethe‑Institut, The British Council, The Alliance Francaise etc., etc. Even if we do not aspire to exporting such institutions, we can at least aspire to become Africa's creative capital – a claim that is quietly being ascribed to our brothers on the down South of the continent. They boast robust creative hubs e.g. Creative Nestlings, and adjuncts ones like Design Indaba etc., patronized by the best creative minds from all over the world, including us. I do not mean to imply that even if a project conceptually requires a foreign destination, it should still be implemented by-fire-by-force in Nigeria. That will be insular and a tad stupid. The point is for us to up our game and develop our creative industry to a standard and excellent level and, hopefully, reverse the deficits that go to foreign coffers. Well, I will be quick to admit that the definitions of standard vary as they are subjective but every creative professional or anyone with an eye that appreciates beauty can differentiate between horrible from awesome.

Achieving these standards will require forward-thinking policies and conditions. It will require recognition of the roles of the creative industry, not just as mere parchments of our national existence but one that understands the industry’s dynamics. These policies should articulate the importance of skillsets – educational development in the arts and artistic technologies, encouragement in artistic collaborations, an emphasis on the beauty of creating, and, why not – a consolidation of native knowledge with contemporary thinking.

Speaking of beauty, we must endeavor to filter mediocrity from quality. We have to discourage a reasoning that justifies supposed mediocrity as an exemplar of the Nigerian creative character. Again, Nollywood: lately, there has been a considerable improvement in movie production but there are still distasteful plots or visually nauseating executions that are sometimes justified – over chitchats - as the “nature” of our people and what sells. This reasoning takes a marketing stance to justify defecations. And by all means, it trivializes efforts of those who try their best at home-runs and our capacity to create the type of beauties that earn market, or if you may - global acceptance. A country similar to us in social and economic appearance – India, has nurtured and continues to nurture its creative armaments. These days, one sees uniquely Indian creations, well packaged and with a global appeal - Product designs: Titan Wristwatches; Institution: National Institute of Design; Advertising: Times of India’s “India Vs. India” Campaign etc., etc. Same as Brazil. Same as Turkey.

Again, I must emphasize that the point of this piece is not just to argue that the creative industry is an economic imperative but to also emphasize its role as an upholder of our civilization and uniqueness, which deserves to be structured to foster both individual and cultural creative expressions. For policy makers and gatekeepers, this should be a national branding responsibility - Oh, “Incredible India”. It should include INVESTMENT in the country’s conceptual image and the protection of intellectual properties. For individuals, it should include crafting unique voices and élan that are disgusted by mediocre creativity.

Chris Ogunlowo is the Creative Director and Principal Partner at Kwirkly - A Growing Advertising Agency In Nigeria.

http://chrisogunlowo.com/writingsandrandoms/

5 AFRICAN TECH FOUNDERS YOU DON’T WANT TO IGNORE

Tunji Adegbesan

Dr. Tunji Adegbesan is Founder and CEO of Gidi Mobile, a premium mobile learning platform often promoted as Africa’s first dedicated mobile learning and personal growth platform. The combination of his entrepreneurial experience and his current position as Director of the Centre for Competitiveness & Strategy at the Lagos Business School places him at the intersection of people, technology and strategy.

Robert Lamptey

Robert Lamptey is Co-Founder & ex-CEO of Saya Mobile, a mobile messaging platform that brings smartphone-like messaging to feature phones. Saya Mobile was one of the startups that pitched at TechCrunch Disrupt 2012. The stage doesn’t get much bigger than that. Saya Mobile was recently acquired by voice messaging company Kirusa.

Olaoluwa Samuel-Biyi

Olaoluwa Samuel-Biyi is Co-founder at SureGifts, a revolutionary online gifting platform looking to disrupt traditional gifting systems in Nigeria. Samuel-Biyi is one of a young and dynamic trio of ex-Jumia EMPLOYEES, who were practically there at the very humble origins of Nigerian eCommerce.

Simeon Ononobi

Simeon Ononobi is Founder & CEO of SimplePay, an innovative payments platform that allows users with an e-mail address and a bank account to securely and conveniently send and receive payments online, just like PayPal. SimplePay was awarded the Best Nigerian Startup at Seedstars World 2013.

Abiola Olaniran

Abiola Olaniran is Founder & CEO of Gamsole, a mobile gaming company based in Lagos Nigeria. Gamsole holds the advantage of being one of the pioneers of mobile gaming on Windows Phone, a position the company has leveraged to become arguably one of the biggest gaming companies in Africa.

Acknowledgement: Techpoint.ng

Mr. Ideal Nigeria 2015

The Mr Ideal Nigeria 2015 finals took place at the Bespoke Events Center in Lekki, Lagos earlier this month . The three hour show kicked off with a charity fashion show featuring 'House of Twitch' models and designers - Makani Coutoure , Shirts by Ocee, KMO, amongst others. 

There were three rounds of competition which started with the 'Beach Wear' category and followed  immediately by the, 'Evening Suit' and ended with the 'Final Question' category . At the end John Iwueke came out with the highest score of 92% beating Akwa Ibom’s Kenneth Mckenzie by just  2%.

John Iwueke , a 22-year old student becomes one of the youngest title holders of the pageant; and a first time win for Bayelsa State.

John Iwueke would be representing Nigeria at the Mister Africa International 2015 in Angola later in the year. He is also signed to London’s Mahogany International and gets to start his own business. 

John also secured an endorsement deal from Skullcandy Nigeria and T T Dalk.

Acknowledgement: diamondbissy.wordpress.com

My Thoughts on Phobias…and What’s Taking Place in South Africa

My name is Lovelyn Chidinma Nwadeyi. I am a Nigerian. Born in Nigeria to two Nigerian parents. Raised in Queenstown, Eastern Cape by those same Nigerian parents right up until I completed my Bachelors at Stellenbosch.

Growing up in South Africa, I was always reminded by those around me that I was different to everyone else. In primary school, I had a much darker complexion than I do now, and super white teeth – the telling marks of a foreigner that betray you even when you put on your best English accent. It is just too obvious.

I bear citizenship of both worlds. I speak fluent Xhosa, Igbo, Afrikaans and English. I can make sense of Tswana and Sotho. I enjoy a goodbraai, I love vetkoek and bunny-chow. I can’t get enough of Bokomo WeetBix, I love Ouma’s rusks and I can pull off my panstulas with any outfit on a lazy Saturday when I want to head to town. I am the first to break it down with thengwaza and the dombolo at the sound of some decent house music or kwaito be it in Pick n Pay or at a party.

I can sokkie and I enjoy it (albeit with my two left feet). My darkest moments can be reversed by koeksisters and a cup of rooibos tea any day. I can jump between the high pitched and arguably annoying accents of some Constantia moms, the lank kif and apparently sophisticated English of my Hilton brothers and the heavy accents of my fellow Eastern Capers. I can attempt the fast paced, lyrical Afrikaans of my coloured brothers in the Cape and I can serve you the best butternut soup you have ever known.

I am as South African as you need me to be.

But my ability to navigate all these spaces did not just happen. Learning to blend into all these spaces was a matter of survival for me.

You see from the day I set foot in Queenstown and started primary school, it was always made very clear to me that I was an outsider. I only had white friends from my first few years in school, because the other black girls couldn’t understand why I was black but only spoke in English. They thought I thought I was better than them. So I spent most of my breaks humbly eating my peanut butter and strawberry jam sandwich, surrounded by those who had Melrose cheese and Provita Crackers with Bovril and/or marmite sandwiches in their lunchboxes. The rest of the time I spent alone, save the few brave souls of similar complexion who tried to befriend me.

What nobody knew was that for the first three years of my life in South Africa, my little brother and I barely saw my dad more than twice a month. What was he doing absent from the home, other than selling pillowcases, duvets and bedsheets, from door to door on foot through the streets, villages and side roads of the old Transkei and Ciskei? My father would leave the house on Monday mornings after him and my mom got us ready for school, and he would be gone for days and weeks, selling the few pillowcases and bedsheets he had from door to door. On foot. We were never sure when he would return. But when he did, we were always more grateful for his safety and aliveness than anything else.

From Queenstown to Cala, Umtata, Qumbu, Qoqodala, Whittlesea, Mount Fletcher, King Williamstown, Mdantsane, Bhisho, Indwe, Butterworth, Aliwal North and even as far as Matatiele and Kokstad. There are so many other places he went to that I do not even know.

That is how my parents put us through school, until they saved up enough money to open their own little shop where they then started selling sewing machines, cotton and then community phones. Then sweets and chips and take-aways; and then hair products and the list goes on and on. It was on this that I was able to go through primary school, high school, and university. My parents have no tertiary education; it was only in their late 40s that both of them decided to register for part-time studies at Walter Sisulu to get their Diplomas. Note: Diplomas.

It took them four years, because they were busy trying to keep their kids in school, and keep selling their sweets and sewing machines while attempting to dignify their efforts with a degree.

My story is not unique – it is the story of most foreigners in South Africa. Very few foreigners come into SA with skills that make them employable here. Unless you are a medical doctor, an academic and maybe an engineer or well-established businessman before coming here, your chances of getting meaningful employment in SA are as limited as those of the United States letting Al-Qaeda members off the hook – almost impossible.

Most foreigners come to SA with the ability to braid hair, carve wood, or sell fruits, veggies, clothes, fizz pops, carpets and soap before they can find their feet here. Some are graduates…but what can another African degree do for you in SA? And any foreigner in SA will tell you that that is the truth. All of us started from below the bottom. Doing work that carries no dignity, no respect and very little financial gain. But when you have left or lost everything that you know and love and end up in a foreign land as unwelcoming in its laws and restrictions as South Africa, you have little choice available to you.

I can bet you that there is not up to 10% of South Africans who would be willing to do the menial and embarrassing work my parents and other foreigners did for as long as they did it, and for as little as they did it, were you to ask them today. So it annoys me, to the deepest part of my being when I see a South African open their mouth and cry “foul” against innocent foreigners. Let’s discuss this:

Arachnophobia – the fear of spiders.

Claustrophobia – the fear of small/tight/enclosed spaces.

Xenophobia – the fear of foreigners.

However individuals who are afraid of spiders do not go around killing spiders, rather they avoid spiders. Equally, individuals who are afraid of small and tight spaces do not go around trying to eliminate the existence of small spaces.

Thus xenophobia does not by definition imply the killing of foreigners. Yet, we continue to label this current wave of killings and murders in SA as xenophobic – and now the cooler term – “Afrophobic” attacks. Can we please just get real? What is happening in SA is a genocide, a genocide fuelled by a deep-seated hatred for which no single foreigner is responsible.

Before, you say this is too extreme, allow me to explain.

Genocide is the systematic/targeted killing of a specific tribe or race.

In South Africa’s case, this would be the senseless killings of non-South Africans, mostly those of African origin and some Pakistani, Bangladeshi and other non-African minorities.

I think the government, South African and international media are being too cowardly to call it what it is. They know what is going on in South Africa and yet they refuse to acknowledge it for fear of who knows what. Is it because their numbers are not high enough? Should we wait until a few good hundred thousand foreigners have been murdered before we speak the truth?

So now the value of human lives is being reduced to a debate on politically correct terms and phrases to protect certain interests. People are being butchered in the streets, and the country is worrying about bad PR. I hate that now, on Facebook, Twitter, Instagram, everyone is now trying to say, “Oh no, it’s not all South Africans that are doing this, hey. Just a few of those people there.” South Africans are trying to distance themselves from what is happening in their own backyards as though it is of any consolation to those watching their family members being sizzled in rubber rings. As if that is what matters – true South African style.

This is not the first wave of attacks of this nature in South Africa. In fact, the 2008 attacks were much worse in terms of raw numbers of casualties suffered than these have been so far. The issue of xenophobia is not a new one in SA. However, the differentiator in 2015 is that this wave is backed by a strong ideology; that somehow these attacks can be and are justified.

An ideology that sees merit in the argument that foreigners are stealing the jobs of locals, that they are stealing their women, that these “makwerekwere” are the cause of most ills in South African society.

It is a shame how uninformed and how baseless these arguments are. Foreigners do not and CANNOT steal jobs in SA. Do you know how hard it is to get South African papers, just to get into the country – not to talk of getting a work permit and convincing any company to take on the cost of employing you as a foreigner? Unless you have some freaking scarce skills in the country – it just does not happen like that.

Secondly, just shut up and stop it. South Africans who embibe these arguments are lazy. There is a disgusting entitlement that is attached to this notion that jobs can be stolen. This implies that there are jobs waiting for you – of which there are none.

There are no freaking jobs waiting for anyone. Pick up a bucket and start washing cars. Put on your shoes and walk through your streets, sell tomatoes, eggs and tea – anything people eat, they will buy. Or pick up a book, hustle your way into university, work for a scholarship and get yourself an education. But stop this senselessness. Nobody is stealing your jobs.

I got my first job when I was 11-years-old. I worked on the school bus in my town. I collected money for the bus driver, wrote out receipts and kept order on the bus. I didn’t GET PAIDmuch, but it helped me learn first that nothing comes easy, I learnt to be responsible and accountable to someone else. Secondly it helped me pay for little extramural expenses I did at school which were not the priority for my parents at the time (and rightly so). In ‘varsity, even though I had a tuition bursary, I worked two part-time jobs and one contract job for the entire three years at Stellenbosch so I could pay for my good, clothes and some additional materials etc. Yes my parents supported me as best they could, but naturally, part of growing up is that you don’t bother your parents for every Rand you need.

So people see me and my family now, several years later driving a decent car and living in an average house and they say, “Ningama kwekwere, asinifuni apha. Niqaphele, aningobalapha.”

“You are foreigners, we do not want you here. You better watch out, you are not of this place,” – unaware of and unwilling to hear of the years of struggle and hustle that came with the decent car and the average house. [Which, by the way, you can never fully own as SA law now restricts ownership of property by foreigners – but that is another discussion.]

And what has been the government’s response to the worsening unemployment and crime situation in the cities and suburbs that incites this violence and dissatisfaction amongst its people? To tighten immigration laws, border controls and any little room the foreigner may have had to just maybe survive in the menacing streets of Johannesburg. As if that is where the problem began.

Is it not the way our economy is structured? That there is limited room for unskilled labour in the workforce? That those who are not vocationally trained must then settle for employment outside of their existing areas of knowledge such as artisans, plumbers and electricians – whereas these skills are equally needed in a developing economy? That we have this thing called BEE which in practice just ensures that the Black bourgeoisie get wealthier by hook or by crook while still protecting and cushioning the impact of democracy on old, white money and big business?

Is it really the little Ethiopian man with his spaza shop that is threatening your progress na Bhuthi? Is it really the Nigerian woman who braids hair and sells Fanta that is stealing your job and place in your own land na Sisi? I can’t deal.

If none of these arguments have merit for you, then think of the fact that during apartheid, Nigeria spent thousands of dollars on the ANC protecting and moving its members across borders; Angola, Mozambique, Tanzania, Burundi, Zambia, Zimbabwe, Botswana, Kenya, Rwanda, Uganda all housed, supported and/or trained struggle heros with open arms and with no strings attached. How dare South Africans forget how much Africans did for them during apartheid. How dare you!

South Africans, go and learn your history. When you have read your history, then please teach the correct version to your children. Let them know that Africa helped put SA where it is now. Let them know that all blacks are not Xhosa or Zulu, but that that is irrelevant to the amount of dignity you accord to another human being. Teach your children that they must work for everything they want to have except your love as a parent. Teach your children that they are nothing without their neighbour – stop being selective about who Ubuntu applies to and does not. Teach them the truth about you.

The greatest enemy of the black man has always been himself. Not the colonialists. Not the apartheid architects. Only himself.

And as long as you refuse to take responsibility for where you are now, you will remain there. Kill us foreigners or not, it actually makes very little difference to your fortunes in life, people of Mzansi.

By Lovelyn Nwadeyi

PASTOR PAUL ADEFARASIN

Born in 1963 to a Nigerian father with an illustrious legal career that saw him retire as Chief Justice of Lagos state, and a Jamaican mother, who was once president of the National Council of Women Societies (NCWS).The last of 5 children, pastor Paul attended Igbobi College, Yaba, Haileybury College, Hertfordshire, and obtained a Bachelors degree in Architecture from the University of Miami, Florida, practised briefly in the US, then abandoned all, for the higher calling of Ministry. He would subsequently obtain a Diploma in Christian Ministry from the International Bible Institute of London, after which he shepherded his first pastorate at the Action Chapel, London.

On his return to Nigeria from the UK, he eventually started House On The Rock from his mother’s living room in Lagos in 1994, with just 7 people in attendance. That small gathering has today metamorphosed into a vibrant, multi-racial, multi-cultural and multi-ethnic congregation with over 80 daughter churches in Nigeria, Africa and Europe.

Renowned author, Motivator and Conference speaker, he is well known for his clear message of hope, healing and empowerment for the fulfilment of purpose. He is a Pastor of pastors; a visionary leader; Bridge-builder, social reformer and the Metropolitan, Senior Pastor of House on the Rock, a church headquartered in Lekki, Lagos. He leads a congregation of over 8,000 worshipers.

He is both founder and President of the Rock Foundation, and PETRA Coalition, for pastors and their ministries. He presently serves as the National Vice President of the Pentecostal Fellowship of Nigeria, an umbrella body to which a wide majority of Pentecostal churches in Nigeria are affiliated.

Pastor Paul is the convener of “The Experience,” the largest musical event in Africa, which holds annually in Lagos, and in 2007, he portrayed the Old Testament voice of God in Zondervan’s award winning audio bible “The Bible Experience,” reputedly the largest selling audio book in world history.

Pastor Paul Adefarasin lives in Lagos with his beautiful wife, Pastor Ifeanyi, and their three lovely children, Hilda Adebola, Alvin Adegboyega and Alexander Adekunle.

Acknowledgement: House On The Rock

Tinubu: The Quintessential Political Strategist

The evolution of the All Progressives Congress (APC) into the governing party and the emergence of its candidate, Gen. Muhammad Buhari, as the President-elect prove a fundamental truth. A single visionary blessed with courage equal to his vision is ultimately more powerful than a vast multitude that is devoid of sight, courage and sound counsel.

Gen. Buhari, a personification of integrity, stalwart patriotism and decency, was the inevitable candidate and is the right man to be President this time. Complementing him as the necessary strategic catalyst of this great democratic feat was Bola Ahmed Tinubu.

Never in the history of our nation has an incumbent President lost to his challenger. For that to happen is a profound feat. For that feat to come about through a newly merged political party is something bordering on the edge of the impossible. Yet, in our Nigeria, that is exactly how our democracy has been secured and our chance for a better future revived.

As the primary architect of the APC, and a key strategist in its drive to become the government of this nation, Bola Tinubu has earned history’s verdict as a true and committed democrat. At moments when others threatened to quit or did quit, Tinubu stuck doggedly to the course. When the Alliance for Democracy (AD) ran into stormy weather and was hijacked by the reactionary elements funded by the government in power, Tinubu established another progressive party, the Action Congress of Nigeria (CAN). From his solitary redoubt in Lagos, the ACN cast its progressive message and Tinubu attracted able and committed people to the democratic cause and to his course in it.

The epic turn from governing a single state to governing a nation had begun. Few believed, as Asiwaju did, that this achievement was within reach. The ACN went on to win six states and secure the Southwest for the progressive cause.

And when the time came to re-shape the opposition nationwide into one body, Tinubu took the lead in sowing together the different political parties into a workable whole. In the face of state-sponsored attacks and spirited attempts to scuttle the merger, Tinubu led the team of political fighters to make APC a reality. The period between the formation of the party, the inauguration of the party’s executive, to its convention in Lagos, the national presidential campaign and now the elections was one charactererised by dangerous moves, plots and turns against him. Tinubu survived them all and remained standing.

As the intellectual force behind the APC, Tinubu never waivered. Gen. Buhari and Chief Bisi Akande were the strongest and most faithful of allies in this great effort.

These are statesments of high-caliber personalities who never shook when the adverse wind blew.

If along the way Tinubu had wavered, many would have wavered with him. The story today would have been a different and inferior one. He remained standing even when many tried to make him fall. Tinubu is brave at heart and large in vision. He has the fortitude to stand when times get tough and when doubt becomes as thick as fog. He forges ahead while others succumb to fear. He stands alone when others are tired and sit down. This rare man chooses to take risks and stake everything he has for a just cause. He stands alone when he makes unbelievable sacrifices in order to achieve a greater goal. He excels in the wee, lonely hours; when others are asleep, he pours over Nigeria’s problems in search for solutions. He stands alone when he makes the tough and necessary decisions, not minding how he will be perceived. He stands alone when he refuses to join the doubters and holds on to the belief that it is possible.

For standing against the tide of greater power and might all these years, Tinubu has achieved something for us all. He is truly an architect of modern Nigeria, a driving force behind a new Nigeria and one of the fathers of a truly democratic two-party system.

Tinubu has ushered Nigeria into the meeting hall of democratic nations. By staying the course, by investing  his intellect, experience and resources in the struggle for a better country and by working with people of like minds, Tinubu has helped lift the nation from its despair.

APC’s electoral success is not a fluke. It was earned. It came as a result of great sacrifices and through the effort of the key drivers and other leaders who kept steadfast even when hope seemed lost. The long hours on the road and in the air, crisscrossing the nation, spreading the message of change and urging others to join the party bore fruit. The APC ship got many on board. Not even the attacks from the PDP could sink it.

On the campaign trail, Tinubu was a firebrand. He easily excited the crowd whenever he spoke. People were sure to taste of his wit, his incisive political jabs and his commanding vision about what APC can do to change Nigeria. Perhaps the greatest lines of the 2014/2015 presidential campaign that will never be forgotten and will remain in the books for a very long time is that from Tinubu. Responding to attacks by the PDP that the APC presidential candidate, Gen. Buhari was a former general and should not be trusted, Tinubu had a reply for them in full measure that shut them up. Tinubu roared at the Abeokuta campaign: “When France needed to get out of political troubles, it tapped Charles De Gaulle; when America needed solid political leadership, it called on Eisenhower; Nigeria needs fixing and the man for the job is Gen Muhammadu Buhari”. This answer and analysis from Tinubu settled the argument. It won many over and shut the mouths of the politicians on the other side. On the campaign trail from the South to the North, Tinubu was a delight.

Fired up and in his elements, he was unrelenting. He saw what many did not see, that APC will form the next government and restore hope to Nigerians.

Whenever the history of this political era in Nigeria is written, it will be said that there was one man, Bola Ahmed Tinubu, who stood firm in commitment and courage to make the difference for Nigeria. Tinubu is a class act and is in a class by himself. From the corporate world, he took the political storm by storm in Lagos. This was after a commanding performance in the pro-democracy struggle to liberate Nigeria from the clutches of military dictatorship. He was at the vanguard of democracy in the days of the National Democartic Coalition (NADECO) struggle. Since then, he has never looked back. As governor of Lagos state, he excelled in governance. He brought out the excellence in Lagos through a combination of pragmatic decisions and financial and social engineering that turned it into a model city.

Lagos, today, is a reference point. He took over the Southwest, reshaping the political landscape in a positive and dynamic way. He was instrumental in identifying six men, who today remain some of the best governors this country has ever known. On the national stage, he was a constant voice of opposition. Unwavering, unbowed, unbeatable, Tinubu was the fulcrum of opposition politics. His voice rang out loud and clear against injustice, impunity and miss-governance.

For his progressive views and opposition to government, Tinubu suffered. His businesses suffered. His political structures came under severe assaults. Enemies sought to ruin his reputation. They dragged him to court, hoping to jail him but failed. In all, he survived and remained standing. Through all of this, he has remained humble and self-effacing.

In the explosive celebration that followed the victory of the APC in the presidential elections someone in the tiny crowd that gathered in his office said: “Your Excellency Tinubu, this is your finest hour”. Tinubu shot back, “No. This is Nigeria’s finest hour and it is the best birthday gift I can ever wish for”. He went on in his major reaction to the victory to describe the victory of the presidential candidate of the APC, Gen Buhari as Nigeria’s finest moment in its political history. “It is a moment when hope is re-born, faith is rekindled and a fresh fire of patriotism is released for the task ahead”.

That is the measure of a man who sees ultimate victory in the emancipation of his people and the triumph of good over evil. Tinubu has seen it all. Today he stands tall in humility. He has survived where others were crushed. He has achieved what others failed to achieve for our country politically. He has been this generation’s’ most consummate and strategic political mind. History will record that.

If anyone ever doubted the veracity of a sobriquet – The Last Man Standing – given to Tinubu, they should doubt no longer. The title is more than valid. More importantly, this last and only man standing dedicated himself to a great and selfless task that we all may stand to feel the morning rays of genuine democracy shine upon us. This man is a hero. What no one dared to do, he did.

Now, friend and foe alike, we are all the better for it.

By Sunday Dare

Sunday Dare is Chief of Staff/Special Adviser on Media to Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu

THE ART OF SEGUN SAMSON: MR W.O.W

Mention Segun Samson to anyone and you’ll be met with the same reaction: WoW!
Segun, a visual development artist (another fancy title for “OMG, AWESOMENESS!!!!”) from Ondo state who creates masterpieces for animation and movies. Like most illustrative artists, his favorite arsenal of choice is his pencil set and good ol’ paper but when it’s time to turn-up & push the envelope, he turns to Photoshop and Zbrush.

He has worked at Elixir studios, Lantern books, Dreamcast animation studio, genii games, and, now currently, working as a concept artist in Gamsole game studio.


Segun Samson hopes to work at the leading animation studios like Dreamworks, Disney, Blue Sky..etc..) to get the experience and learn from industry gurus.

Pause. Allow for a minute so we can pick our collective jaws from the floor. Segun’s works are just that amazing and mesmerizing. See what we mean below:

Did you catch yourself applauding? Good, because here’s more of his stuff:

http://www.artstation.com/artist/segunsamson

http://segunsamson.blogspot.com/

http://drawcrowd.com/segunsamson43baa0

https://www.facebook.com/gamoth43

https://www.artstation.com/artist/segunsamson

Acknowledgement: Layrz Word Press

Nigeria’s Eko Atlantic City Takes Shape

The new multi-billion dollar Eko Atlantic City with residential and commercial tower blocks off the coast of Lagos in Victoria Island, is taking shape as developers forge ahead with infrastructure development.

Eko Atlantic is being built from scratch on reclaimed land offshore from the Atlantic Ocean, and is set to provide 250,000 homes and offices for 150,000 commuters.

In a media brief early January, David Frame MD of South Energyx NIGERIA Limited, the developers of the city, said that infrastructure development such as roads, drainage and power supply is well under-way.

He stated that the city when completed would be self-sufficient in terms of power and energy supply, adding that it would be powered by Independent Power Project (IPP).

Describing the lighting project, Frame assured that the first row of lights along Eko Boulevard, a paved 8-lane thoroughfare which is the spine of the Business District, would also be extended this year.

"Building blocks under construction in the city can now clearly be seen from Ahmadu Bello Way on Victoria Island and the Marina on Lagos Island," he said

According to Frame, paved roads, sidewalks and kerbs are being built in the first and second phases of the emerging city. The first 15-storey tower in the city would be ready for occupation in first quarter of 2016.

When the former US President, Bill Clinton visited the site last year accompanied by President Goodluck Jonathan, he said the city would attract people worldwide in the next five years and would improve the domestic economy of Nigeria and bring enormous opportunities to the world.

The city hopes to attract financial institutions with luxury developments, with the goal being to establish Lagos as a commercial hub for the West African region.

Africa has the world’s fastest-growing cities, according to the United Nations. Its current urban population of 450 million is expected to triple in the next four decades.

Acknowledgement: Africa Property News

Senator Jummai Al-Hassan Emerges As Nigeria’s First Elected Female Governor

Candidate of the All Progressives Congress (APC), Senator Aisha Jummai Al-Hassan is set to emerge winner of gubernatorial elections in Taraba State making her the first elected female governor in Nigeria.

Although votes are yet to be officially announced by INEC, she is presently leading the candidate of the Peoples Democratic Party, Darius Ishaku, by a wide margin.

It would be recalled that Senator Aisha Jummai won the primaries with a land slide victory of 2425, her closest opponent Ibrahim Tumba had 18 votes. 

Senator Aisha Jummai Al-Hassan, is currently a senator in the 7th National Assembly representing Taraba North senatorial district.

RETIRED NIGERIAN MILLIONAIRE GENERALS STOPPED JONATHAN

By Max Siollun

For the first time ever a Nigerian president has failed to win the popular vote. It’s a landmark for democracy, but where did it all go wrong for Jonathan?

Goodluck Jonathan has earned the dubious distinction of being the first president in Nigerian history to lose an election. In many ways, Jonathan was the architect of his own downfall. He made critical mistakes that turned the public and allies against him, and led them to gravitate towards the opposition. Here’s where it all went wrong:

1. Don’t cross the boss

When Nigeria emerged from 15 years of military rule in 1999, Jonathan’s Peoples Democratic party (PDP) was formed by wealthy retired generals to inherit power from the military. One of the godfathers was General Olusegun Obasanjo, who has governed Nigeria twice (between 1976-1979 and 1999-2007). Jonathan made the mistake of alienating Obasanjo; leading the general to write a public 18-page lettercontaining lacerating criticism of the president in December 2013. A party member likened Obasanjo’s hectoring of Jonathan to a father’s disappointment with his son.

Rather than make peace with the 77-year-old, Jonathan’s office retaliated.

Getting on the wrong side of Obasanjo is the political equivalent of crossing a mafia don. You will pay. Obasanjo’s attacks on Jonathan intensified. In February, an irate Obasanjo quit the PDP and dramatically ripped up his party membership card on television.

Jonathan was naïve to think he could remain president without the support of PDP godfathers like Obasanjo. Although Nigeria is no longer under military rule, many retired millionaire generals call the shots from behind the scenes.

2. Playing fair

Previous Nigerian presidents were too cynical to expose themselves to the unpredictable risk of a fair election. The election victories of PDP presidents during the past 16 years have been partially “assisted” by electoral malpractice. That changed when Jonathan nominated Professor Attahiru Jega as the chairman of the Independent National Electoral Commission (Inec) in 2010. Jega vowed to reform Nigeria’s electoral process to ensure free and fair elections.

The former university lecturer exuded calm authority and integrity. He has painstakingly prepared for the task over the past four years by studying the rigging methods used in previous elections, implementing an elaborate system of voter registration, training thousands of electoral staff, and introducing biometric readers to identify voters by reading their thumbprint.

Jonathan created the environment for the emergence of these changes and gave Jega the freedom and authority to conduct reforms that led to a credible election. But by giving Jega a free hand to play fair, he allowed Jega to craft the weapons that were used to oust him from power.

3. Boko Haram and the Chibok kidnaps

When Boko Haram kidnapped more than 200 schoolgirls from the town of Chibok in northern Nigeria, Jonathan failed to realise how much this would capture the public’s attention, both locally and internationally. His failure to speak about the kidnap for several weeks made him appear uncaring. These shortcomings were exacerbated by the behaviour of his wife, Patience, when she met the mothers of the kidnapped girls. Her ostentatious display and over-the-top emotions were mercilessly parodied.

Jonathan’s perceived casual indifference to the suffering of his people was compounded when he was photographed celebrating his niece’s lavish wedding just a few days after Boko Haram had killed 2,000 people in the town of Baga.

4. Bad management

Jonathan’s relations with party members at times resembled a football coach antagonising his star players into leaving for rival teams. His tendency to fall out with colleagues simultaneously weakened his party and strengthened the opposition. He quarrelled with one after another; leading several of them to leave the party in frustration and join the opposition All Progressives Congress (APC). The alliance between these and the opposition shoved Jonathan out of power.

5. Corruption and cronyism

Nigerians refer to their country’s resources as the “national cake” which must be shared by its citizens. There was a perception that Jonathan gave slices of the cake largely to members of his own community. Many powerful members of his government were from Jonathan’s region in the deep south of the country. Even Jonathan’s wife was appointed as a senior civil servant in his home state of Bayelsa.

Under Jonathan’s presidency many militant leaders from the oil producing Niger Delta area in the south have become very rich from government patronage and contracts. Some of them have been awarded security contracts to guard the oil installations they once protested against and attacked.

Jonathan has also pardoned a former ally accused of fraud and money laundering, increasing the cloud of suspicion hanging over his government.

These events caused deep resentment in other parts of Nigeria and created the impression that Jonathan ran a government that benefits those from his part of the country, the south, but not many others.

Jonathan even managed to get into a public feud with the governor of the Central Bank of Nigeria, the respected Sanusi Lamido Sanusi. In February 2014 Sanusi alleged that $20bn of Nigerian oil revenue was unaccounted for. Rather than investigating the claims Jonathan fired Sanusi for his impertinence at publicly hinting of government fraud.

Buhari’s victory is historic and unprecedented. However Jonathan was responsible almost as much as Buhari was.


Max Siollun is a Nigerian historian and author of Oil, Politics and Violence: Nigeria’s Military Coup Culture 1966-1976 and Soldiers of Fortune: a History of Nigeria (1983-1993). Follow him on Twitter @maxsiollun

The Buhari Nigerians don’t know – David-West

Professor Tam David-West served as Min­ister of Petroleum and Energy when the new President-elect, Gen Muhammadu Buhari (retd), was the Military Head of State from 1984 to 1985. In this interview with YIN­KA FABOWALE and OLUSEYE OJO in Ibadan, the professor of virology talks extensively on the person of Buhari that millions of Nigerians do not know. Excerpts:

Will it be right to describe Gen Buhari’s win in the just concluded presidential election as a personal victory to you?

It cannot be a personal victory to me; that will be too much. It’s victory to Nigerians, victory to those people in Nigeria, who have over the years have supported this cause. It is not for me. I was only one person telling peo­ple what he is. I have worked with him and I know him. I worked very closely with him.

As an oil minister, I was closer to him than most ministers because we have hotlines; few ministers had hotlines with him. Whenever I talk about Buhari, I am talking about somebody I know. I am not talking about stereotype, am talking about somebody I know first­hand.

He has good qualities. He is a unique man. The for­mer Head of State, Abdulsalami Abubakar, described him as an extraordinary Nigerian.

Why do I love him? First, he is very honest. He is not corrupt at all. He’s disciplined and he’s focused. I worked with Buhari and I worked with Babangida (Gen Ibrahim Badamosi Babangida, retd). If you give a 20- page memo to Buhari by 9:00 this morning, by 10 he has finished reading it and he will ask you to come. When you get there, you will see that he has read it and made notes. If you give the same memo to Babangida, he would not read it for one week.

Buhari loves Nigeria, not only because he was a sol­dier and signed his life for Nigeria, I know from all the people around, he’s the only person that I can vouch for. They used to insult me that Jonathan (President Good­luck Jonathan) is Ijaw and I am an Ijaw man too, why am I supporting a Fulani man? I am not going to support you because you are Ijaw, I am going to support you to lead Nigeria and do well for the country

I have written two books on Buhari: one is who really is Gen Buhari and the other one is 16 sins of Buhari, which are qualities of Buhari. In the book, I wrote on the lies they are telling about him. In fact, Femi Adesina (Managing Director of The Sun newspapers) was the master of ceremony when I launched the book at NI­IA(Nigerian Institute of International Affairs) in Lagos.

I have a third book on him, which I have not finished – General Buhari: A Rare Gem. I don’t have Buhari’s phone number. I don’t phone him. Why do I do that? It’s because I don’t want to be tempted to be phoning him to discuss. If I want to talk to Buhari, I know how.

Buhari can turn this country around. I have strong faith in this. If my father is contesting an election against Gen Buhari as president, I will vote for Buhari, not my father. I will tell my father: I know you are a good man. But you have no business with politics. You cannot do it. you are a banker, go and manage money. I cannot vote for you because Buhari will do better than you. Buhari is a fantastic man.

For example, they are talking of economy while the greatest problem in Nigeria is corruption. If you can take care of corruption, everything will fall in place. Gen Buhari refused to devalue the naira in spite of the fact that when he came to power, Nigeria was broke. Shagari (Alhaji Shehu Shagari, former president of Ni­geria), was negotiating for N2billion IMF loan before he was overthrown.

Buhari told me he would not take IMF loan. I asked him why and he said: If you take loan of N2billion now, we will not be able to finish paying it before we leave. So, the debt will be there for our children. He’s as care­ful as that.

You must have read that Buhari cancelled Lagos metro line. It is a lie. I have published the story before. I don’t write anything without a research. I phoned him on it and he said: No, when we came to power on January 1, 1984, Nigeria did not know how much foreign debt they are owing. They don’t know the figure. Shagari did not know.

He said Lagos State came with a project, which would gulp over N100billion or so, guaranteed by the Federal Government. It’s a big loan for the project in those days. He said Federal Government could not guarantee the loan of N100billion when we did not know how much we are owing. So, Lagos State government thought of it, looked at it and jettisoned it by itself. He told me: Look professor, how can I cancel a project that I am not part of? I cannot cancel it.

Buhari cited another example. He said when he was in PTF (Petro­leum Trust Fund), the first N1.2 billion they made was spent on Lagos waterworks. Many people just write, they don’t investigate. This is why I don’t have respect for so many people called intellectuals. When Bu­hari was Head of State, $1.5 was N1:00; today, it is over N190 to $1 dollar. Then, it was N2 to £1; today it is over N240 to £1.

As regards the economy, they are talking that the oil price has fallen. Oil is still being sold for $57 per barrel. When Buhari came to power, oil price was $30 per barrel. During that time too, it went down to about $15. But he managed the economy.

When OPEC (Organisation of Petroleum Exporting Countries) decided to get the market share, oil price fell to about $15 per barrel, yet we survived. We survived because of good lead­ership and good focus. Now, they are saying the oil price is coming down, what will Buhari do?

I am absolutely certain that Buhari will turn the economy round. Why? It is because some of the blueprints he had to turn the economy round, he had not implemented before he was overthrown. I know that some of the blueprints are still on his table. So, one of the blueprints we used was very ingenious. The London Financial Times of May 1984 said it was extra-ordinary. We made IMF irrelevant. It is very simple. The economy can move.

I trust and love Buhari. He said something when he was launching his book in Port Har­court and I am very humbled by it. He said: Ser­vice to our country brought Tam and I together and the ideals we share in common make us friends. He said: Tam is somebody you can trust and that he can go to the forest with him, with­out being afraid.

I like him. Everything I have said about Gen Buhari cannot be controverted. He can change this country round. He loves the common man. In 1984, I took a memo to the council on oil price, but Buhari said even if we increase the oil price by 10 kobo or five kobo, kerosene price must never be increased. Senator Chris Anyan­wu is still alive, she can bear me witness.

What is happening today? They have trillions of naira as kerosene subsidy, which is a lie.

During Buhari’s time, we never imported one litre of petrol; we were even exporting petrol. Why is it so? It’s because you don’t need a mid­dleman. There is no petrol subsidy. Buhari and I had said it independently, even Gani Fawehin­mi. If you are talking about subsidy, why do you need a middleman? The Nigerian middlemen go and import a refined product from abroad. Of course, they inflate the price by giving us all sorts of figures.

The petrol price in Nigeria should not be more than N40 per litre. They were abusing me. I challenged Okonjo Iweala (Minister of Fi­nance and Coordinating Minister of Economy) to a debate, she never came. A professor of pe­troleum of Nigeria in Texas wrote to one of the people and I still have a copy in my house, that petrol price in Nigeria should not be more than about N35 per litre.

Why is it so? It’s because he’s a focused man. He’s not MAKING MONEY FROM it. Buhari has not got oil bloc. He has no oil contract. As I am talking to you now, it is not because I am righteous, I have never had oil listing contract, oil bloc and shares in oil companies. When oil companies were advertising for shares, which I could buy like any other Nigerian; neither Bu­hari, nor myself bought shares in those compa­nies.

Even, if they gave us 1,000 shares, they gave to us because he was Head of State and I was Minister of Petroleum. He is as careful as that. Buhari served this country well and he can turn it round. I am happy and I thank Almighty God, He has brought him back. What has happened is a great victory for Nigeria and we must give all glory to God.

We saw different images of Gen Bu­hari portrayed by the opposition during the electioneering such as being a dic­tator, religious bigot and ethnic jingoist. But you have always been a defender of his persona. Now, Nigerians have given their verdict on what they think of the opposition campaign. But there are fears that military mentality and tem­perament may come to the fore.
Do you know that Buhari’s executive coun­cil was more democratic than Shagari’s parlia­ment? When he was Military Head of State, he never liked the word president. While Baban­gida preferred Military President, Buhari pre­ferred Head of State. Buhari’s executive coun­cil, which is like the parliament now, was more democratic than Shagari’s government. I have evidence. There is nothing I tell you that I can­not support with paper evidence.

Shagari, when he was president, even com­plained that to get some of his bills passed, he had to pay his party men. I know a lawmaker, who complained to me that before he got to House to vote, they used to meet in a senator’s house in Victoria Island, Lagos, where they used to give them some money before they would go and vote for the party.

If a minister came to present a memo to the council, after the presentation, Buhari would ask every minister to make general comments about what they feel about the memo. Buhari and Tunde Idiagbon, of course, were there; they would not react as ministers. After the general comments, he would say we should vote.

In fact, I wrote an article entitled: Democ­racy in a Military Government. They could not believe it. Even at OPEC meetings, I had to explain to the Europeans that it was a mil­itary but we are running a democratic system. At the policy making level, Buhari would say: Gentlemen, you have finished speaking, how many ministers support the memo. If you are in support raise your hands. He will count it and put it down. How many ministers don’t support the memo? They raised their hands to. He would say: Gentlemen, 10 ministers support the memo, eight ministers did not support the memo. The memo is lost.

If we are operating a democratic system of decision making, it is not new to him now. For instance, I had a memo for some increase in pe­troleum tax, Buhari supported me and Idiagbon supported me. Buhari was so sure that after the memo, we would win. Buhari told the Attorney General that at the end of the memo, this part of NNPC law has to be changed. The Attorney Gen­eral walked up to me in council and said: Honour­able minister, look at this place, is it the place they are going to change after your memo if you win? I said yes. But I was so sure. But when I presented and voted, we lost. Buhari lost, Idiagbon lost and I lost. Buhari just said: Gentlemen, we have lost; take the next memo.

So, his coming now is not new. Democracy is not just about voting. It is a culture. Democracy is what you believe is right to be done. So, democra­cy is not new to Buhari.

There are fears that with the enormous power of the executive president under the presidential system of government, he may abuse his powers and bastardise our democracy like former President Olusegun Obasanjo purportedly did in the removal of Senate President, party leaders, EFCC selective persecution of opponents with impunity and so on. What is your take?

Professor Ben Nwabueze wrote a book after Obasanjo: How Obasanjo Destroyed Democracy in Nigeria. Why didn’t he write when Obasanjo was the president? I have a copy of the book in my house. Professor Nwabueze, a great man, but he published it after Obasanjo had left office.

Also, Odimegwu-Ojukwu said Obasanjo is a democratically elected president but he has mil­itary instinct; but not Buhari. Democarcy is not something you just jump into, you must believe in it. It must be part of our culture. Democratic ethos is part of Buhari’s life. He demonstrated it when he was Military Head of State that every member must be voted for democratically to the extent that he himself lost a memo when we voted.

In democracy, we have separation of powers – the executive, legislature and judiciary. We also have checks and balances. Buhari, for instance, is somebody that will not say like my friend, Obasanjo did sometime, he cannot cow down the legislature. Buhari will not influence the judicia­ry. In Buhari, Nigeria will have real democracy and separation of powers. The Buhari that I know will never interfere with the National Assembly. I know he will never interfere with the judiciary. It is his culture. So, there is nothing to fear.

To say that Buhari is a religious bigot is abso­lutely rubbish. If you read my book: 16 Sins of Bu­hari, you will discover that he is more religiously accommodating than anybody. People also called him an fundamentalist, sometime some people write without even thinking.

It was also speculated that he would Islamise Nigeria

No President can Islamise Nigeria. No Muslim Head of State can Islamise Nigeria. No Chris­tian Head of State can Christianise Nigeria. The constitution is very clear. Even during military government when constitution was suspended, no Head of State can do that. Do you know when he was Military Head of State, when there was no constitution, he could have done that. But he doesn’t believe in it.

Why do I say that? To change any part of the constitution, you need two-third majority of the states of the federation. To change a letter of the constitution, two-third of the federation must agree and the Houses of Assembly must agree. When he was Military Head of State, he could get that as a military man, he did not even attempt it. How can he attempt it now that it has to go to par­liament? He cannot Islamise Nigeria.

To say that Buhari is a religious fundamentalist is a credit. My family has been Christian for 106 years. I am an Anglican fundamentalist. When you say somebody is a fundamentalist, it means that he believes in his religion. I am a Christian fundamentalist. I believe in the Bible. If you are a Muslim fundamentalist, you believe in Quran. So, what is wrong about that? I don’t go to church on Sunday and go to Babalawo at night.

Three of Buhari’s domestic staff are Christians. His confidential secretary is a Christian, his sec­ond security officer is a Christian, his second head driver is a Christian. They have been with him for years

Apart from being in his government, you have also, over the time, being his close friend; who is the Buhari that Ni­gerians do not know?

Buhari is more detribalised, more religious tolerant than anyone I have met. In 1984, I stopped OPEC meeting from taking place. We met in Geneva on December 22, 1984 for a tow-day meeting. We thought the meeting would finish latest December 24. But the leaders said the matter for discussion would not allow the meeting to end on December 24.

So, they said we should continue on Decem­ber 25, which was Christmas Day. I told them: I am sorry, I cannot stay here as Christian to have OPEC meeting on Christmas Day. I have to go. Over 80 per cent members of OPEC are Muslims. We argued. My friend, Saudi Arabia Oil Minister, Zaki Yamani, had been minister for 24 years. We talked. He said the OPEC has changed. He still insisted that we should have the meeting on December 25.

Yamani said sometime in the 70s, the OPEC meeting in Riyadh (Saudi Arabia) went up to December 25, and King Faisal had dinner for both Christian and Muslim ministers. I said that’s very good. If a Christian leaves his home to go to Saudi Arabia for Christian dinner, then something is wrong with him. I said: Gentle­men, I am the leader of the Nigerian delegation, I am pulling out my delegation back to Nigeria tomorrow, December 23 and I pulled out Ni­gerian delegation, there was crisis in OPEC. I told them: Gentlemen, can you people have OPEC meeting on Eid-el-Maulud, date of birth of Prophet Mohammed? I object to it, you can go on.

Do you know some Christians had told Bu­hari to sack me for causing international crisis? I have written a book on this, nobody can chal­lenge me. I don’t say anything without record. When I arrived, I went to Dodan Barracks to re­port to Buhari, he said he saw everything on tele­vision and heard it on radio. Do you know what he did? He never sacked me. He congratulated me on what I did. He said we must respect each other’s religion. That same day, himself and Idi­agbon sent me Christmas presents.

Many of Buhari’s campaign sponsors, including the APC National Leader, Asi­waju Bola Tinubu and Rivers State gov­ernor, Rotimi Amaechi, are perceived to be corrupt. Would their relationship and influence on his government not affect the administration’s credibility?

They used to say, show me your friend and I will tell you what you are. There is nobody that is corrupt that can influence Buhari. He has made it clear that there would be no discrimi­nation in the fight against corruption. If you are corrupt, you cannot work with Buhari. If you are corrupt, shed that corruption before you come because he will disgrace you. His zero-tolerance for corruption is one of his cardinal strengths. He cannot change it.

The 2014 National Conference con­vened by President Goodluck Jonathan came out with over 600 resolutions, most of which are perceived to be against the North. Gen Buhari is from the North and his party, APC did not believe in the conference. Do you think Buhari will implement the resolutions?

They are talking about National Conference and Petroleum Industry Bill. There are a lot of things that came up at that National Conference that were nonsense. As one of the people that drafted the 1979 Constitution, Wayas and Ona­goruwa, said it is the best constitution. But it is not constitution, it is Nigerians. With the state of Nigerian system, people are lying. But that system was just aided by the military. Murtala Mohammed gave them a blanket cheque. I must correct this image, there are lies against Murtala Mohammed, including some people that drafted the constitution.

Murtala Mohammed, I have the speech inau­gurating 49 of us, gave us free hands to oper­ate. He asked us to suggest anything we like on how to move this nation forward. Why do you choose presidential system? Many Nigerians wrote to us and over 80 per cent of Nigerians wanted presidential system because they are dis­pleased with the parliamentary system.

So, presidential system was chosen by Nige­rians, not by the military, not by 49 of us. The memos we received from Nigerian public, with­in and outside the country preferred presidential system. So, we chose presidential system be­cause of them, not because somebody told us to choose presidential system.

That we are not operating presidential sys­tem well is because Nigerians are corrupt. Why should a Nigerian senator EARN MORE than the United States President, Barack Obama? The Americans have operated presidential system for over 200 years and they are still operating. America is one of the strongest economies in the world.

In Nigeria, we are wealthy, but we have a very poor economy. So, why should a senator in Ni­geria EARN MORE than Obama? In fact, somebody once wrote that a senator in Nigeria can employ four Obamas. So, don’t blame the constitution. It is us.

On the allegation that he is from the North and he will not implement the National Conference resolutions, if I as an Ijaw man is the president and they bring the report of the conference be­fore me, I will sit on it. I know the drama they did there. A lot of things there are very divisive.

In fact, one of them said his tribe had 90 per cent of what they wanted as a people. Did you go there to work for Nigeria or your tribe? There were a lot of things at that National Conference that did not go through at all. If Jonathan imple­ments the resolutions, it is a disservice to Nige­ria. I will urge him never to implement them. There must be a plebiscite. A lot of things that were said there were not in the interest of Nige­ria. Many people went to fight for their ethnic groups.

So, that confab document should not be tak­en hook, line, and sinker. We must look at it very closely as Nigerians. Jonathan should not implement it because he is PDP. No. If Buhari doesn’t implement it, it is not because he is from the North. If they say most of the things they are saying there are against the North, is that how to pull Nigeria together? Did they go there to do one for the North and one for the South? We went there to discuss something that will unite Nigeria and move together as a people.

The confab document, as it is, should not be implemented because it is not in the interest of Nigeria. They must have another group to look at it and whatever comes out of that group must be sent to Nigerians for plebiscite.

The same thing happened to the Petroleum Industry Bill (PIB), don’t implement it. I am happy he has not implemented it. I have written 40 pages of comments on the PIB, which I will publish later. The PIB, which everybody was clamouring for, if he implements it the way it is, the petroleum industry will die.

There are a lot of things that will make foreign INVESTORS to run away from this county. Without the foreign investors, Nigeria cannot manage the oil industry alone. Shell, for instance, produces 50 per cent of our oil. Shell operates here and all over the world. If Shell closes its operation in Nigeria, Shell will not suffer, it is Nigeria that will suffer. Oil makes over 80 per cent of Nige­rian budget.

Nigerians cannot run the oil company without foreign participation because it is capital inten­sive. They provide the funds and the expertise. If we have well-trained Nigerians, what of the funds?

When Rilwan Lukman was there as the oil minister, what did he do? We have a Petroleum Institute in Effurun in Delta State, which is about to be upgraded to a university. Lukman estab­lished another petroleum institute in Kaduna. When they asked him why, he said it was estab­lished to train middle-class manpower.

So, the PIB is not as good as people think. I will advise Buhari not to implement it. He should set up another body. He should select and delegate 40 of us from different backgrounds, from different parts of the country and believe in Nigeria. Let them look at the document and produce a working document. Even at that, don’t sign it; send it as a plebiscite for Nigerians to vote for.

Given the perceived high level of corruption in the hierarchy of the Nige­rian military, how feasible is the Presi­dent-elect’s promise to bring a swift end to insurgency in the North East?

Buhari has been there before. Buhari stopped Maitatsine insurgency (of 1980). He was then a General Officer Commanding (GOC). Why has Jonathan not been able to do it? There is a bud­get for the military. They voted huge amount of money to buy equipment, it was there; they nev­er did anything. Buhari doesn’t need big project to fight corruption. Immediately Buhari is sworn in, corrupt people will shake. They will correct themselves and run away.

I was listening to the Minister of Works, Mike Onolememen; he said in one road contract alone, he was to find out that it was overestimated by N11billion. He said he was kind enough to can­cel it, and they never complained.

The same thing happened during Buhari’s time. A particular big man in Nigeria, whose name I will not mention, wrote to Buhari that in one contract he had, he was going to remove N10 million. Then, one of the ministers said, af­ter Buhari presented the letter to us, said: This is a very good thing. The government should write to the contractor to congratulate him. I said no.

What I am saying now, I have witness; Pat­rick Koshoni, former Chief of Naval Staff, is still alive. He is a very brilliant and articulate man. Some other ministers too are still alive. Kalu Idika Kalu is still alive. I said don’t con­gratulate him. If he on his own can give us N10 million, there will be other N10 million some­where. He cannot do the contract free. He was afraid that he would be caught. So, on his own, he purged himself of corruption.

Many corrupt people will run away from Nigeria without Buhari catching them. What I know is that the money they have taken from this country, he will bring it back.

On Boko Haram, Buhari is a General of repute and he fought Maitatsine insurgency, which was worse thanBoko Haram. Boko Ha­ram was started by politicians, like Niger Delta militants. They used them and dumped them. Maitatsine riot was not started by politicians. It was an upsurge of either religious or fanaticism. But Buhari was able to stop them.

During Shagari’s administration, Saad invad­ed some parts of Nigeria. Buhari was GOC and he drove them out. Even, when Shagari told him to stop, he said in one interview, that he refused to collect the Commander-in-Chief’s letter until he gave Cameroon breathing nose. He can do it. The military will be stronger and the military likes him because he knows where the shoes pinch.

What is your take on the agitations of the people that Buhari should probe the Jonathan administration and his aides as a result of alleged reports of monu­mental corruption under his administra­tion? But Buhari said he would not go after the past administration? What is your take on this?

Buhari said Jonathan has nothing to fear, yes I agree. But Jonathan has nothing to fear, pro­vided he has acted well. If he has not acted well, he has everything to fear. If there is any dirt in his cupboard, he has everything to fear because Buhari will clean the cupboard.

What do you think Buhari should do about people, who peddled vicious lies and campaign of hate against him, during electioneering, because a lot of people apparently believed them?
Two things; anything that has to do with libel, I will tell him not to forgive but go to court. He has already said he would take Femi Fani-Kayo­de to court. I am one of the witnesses. How can you so support somebody so much that you will be so wicked and so violent? Ayo Fayose (Ekiti State governor) said Buhari would die. But he was one of the first people to congratulate him; that is cheap now. He doesn’t impress me and he doesn’t impress Buhari.

What should he do? People that have been very wicked to him, called him name, take ac­tion against them. But don’t punish anybody because he or she abused you. If somebody says you are corrupt, make him to prove the corrup­tion.

Acknowledgment: SUN

The Issues That Worked Against Jonathan’s Re-election

By Dr Yoroms

On a visit to London and got to know the outcome of the presidential results in Nigeria I felt the need to submit this piece for the public to understand President Jonathan’s ordeal. Every political leader would like to leave office honourably and satisfactorily. After the first tenure a second tenure is to crown his effort. However, some have not been opportuned to reach the second tenure. One example from the US was that of President Jimmy Carter.

There are fifteen scenarios that really worked against President Jonathan. He is the first to exit office democratically.Balwa and Shagari were removed by coups .

The scenarios are discussed below:

The fantasy of office
President Jonathan was carried away by the fantasy of office, and assumed some goose didn’t like him. He kept saying that there were fifth columnists in his government. The luxury of office like ‘Alice in wonders land’ did not allow him to take prompt action. He forgot the limit of time in office.

Procrastination
There were several national issues that required swift and precise actions but he remained indecisive, not willing to offend any interests. Though a gazette on downsizing of parastatals was issued f they are still intact and getting revenues.

The Security Question
He was confused from the beginning and left the Boko Haram question hanging till the period of election, making the society to think that he was playing politics with security. There will always be fifth columnist in any government. It is left for the government to be bold enough to pull the bull by the horn.

Corruption
Corruption is a menace everywhere. The challenge is how he addressed it .He was weak in driving firm actions on corruption. He tolerated and accommodated corrupt officers unlike Obasanjo did to Bode George and Afolabi Sunday. EFCC has done a lot of prosecution but for the courts legal barriers. Even though the Chief Justice told him that corruption is a mere thievery he is not just the head of the Executive but the President of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, and he should interrogate the context. Lamorde in the EFCC tried to re-invent the Ribadu legacy but the presidential support was too moralistic and weak.

Mismanagement of PDP Political Crisis
The crisis in the ruling party was a great disservice to Jonathan. The Bamanga wanted to control the governors. In the presidential system after elections the parties slide to the back stage. Unfortunately, President Jonathan paid too much due respect to Alhaji Bamanga eldership and watched helplessly as the party went down the drain.

Did he read The Prince?
May be he never read the prince. Even democrats aspiring to lead read The Prince .Politics is about power. Power is who gets what when and how, and in the process it is the authoritative allocation of resources. ‘The Prince’ sets out characteristics for a political leader to do, whether a dictator or democrat.

Imbalance in Appointments
Immediately President Jonathan got his election in 2011 he forgot the balancing political zones. The South west was abandoned and forgotten. So also the middle Belt (the North Central).He concentrated his attention on Northwest which rarely gave him 25%. From the 2015 election the result was worst off from the Northwest compared to 2011.

PDP went to sleep after 2011
Immediately PDP won the 2011 election it went to sleep. The historical nostalgia that opposition politics has never been strong in Nigeria was their making. It was the greatest mistake to make in modern politics.

Failure of Personal Research
He failed to take advice outside the box and did not carry out personal research. Some intellectuals tried to offer free advice but were shun by those in the corridor of power, as academic hawkers.

Underestimation of Providence
I think too that he also underestimated the process and providential calculus that brought him into power. Moses asked to know why God asked him lead Israel out of Egypt. God has to explain the reason d’être .Musa told God he was not competent. God promised to back him up. Moses did not jump at it. Did Jonathan ask God for clarity and work according to God’s purpose?

The Powerful Party Members Back Out
The critical turning point was the detaching of senior party members from him. Obasanjo set the ball rolling. And most retired senior military leaders and politicians followed. They know military coup is not fashionable but a strong retired military politician (militician?) needs support to wrestle power from a political neophyte before a ragtag NCOs overturn our democracy. In the UK, 2013 I met General Haliru Akilu who broke the news of Obasanjo’s letter to President Jonathan, to me. He gave me money to put wifi in my wife’s Ipad to read home news when he saw that I was ignorant. On my return home I knew the game was up for President Jonathan.

Reliance on the west and the US
Mistakenly he relied too much on US/Western European. He did not understand the complex dynamics of how both international and domestic politics interplay. He said in forums President Obama respected him but had the same at home. Nigerians prefer a president that is respected at home. When the west abandoned him for signing the samesex bill into law it was too late to regain the home front. A leader must earn respect at home not abroad.

Government management team
The cabinet was divided. Ministers were not on the same page with the presidency. Obasanjo in his first tenure set up General Danjuma Committee that gave him a good cabinet. This was important because he just came out of prison. Jonathan neglected this as a new man on the job.

Understanding politics and societies
The president did not exercise his intellectual capability enough. Maybe it is because of his area of specialization which a Nigerianist Professor Paden expressed at a seminar in Stuttgart. The new presidency should reconsider the recommendation of Justice Uwais Committee for the re-establishment of the Centre for Democratic Studies to focus on the political education of our elites

The Behaviour of the first lady
The first Lady also did a lot of damage to the president. In African if your husband was elected president it is not the wife. The wife earns her respect but she must not cross bounds. Madam Patience did a lot and it hurts the return of the husband to power.

PDP and Imposition of candidates
President Jonathan watched helplessly how candidates were imposed against party rules. Aggrieved were not listened to.

Conclusion
Buhari must learn early enough to avoid these pitfalls. He is elected as the President of Nigerian and not for APC, Muslim or external agents. If he was a dictator he now knows it can’t work again. If he is a religious bigot as Obasanjo tagged in 2007 (which did a lot of damage to his political career) he now knows that religion does not work in a plural society. Above all we appreciate the foresight of el-Rufai to have encouraged Buhari to recon test when he had given up on Nigerian politics .He has become Abraham Lincoln of our time. At least Chief Obafemi Awolowo‘s dream has been achieved. However, Buhari as a strategist must be prepared for eventualities from Niger Delta.

Dr. Gani Joses Yoroms
Associate Professor, International Relations and Comparative Politics
Bingham University Nigeria, and Senior Fellow, National Defence College Nigeria

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